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Social movements in India MSA Rao PDF 15 : comment télécharger et lire le livre de référence sur les



The extensive review of gender differences in the epidemiology of schizophrenia has been reviewed by Picinelle and Homen.[20] It included three studies from India. The 5-year follow-up study[21] of patients attending a teaching hospital, reported a better clinical and social outcome for women. The better outcome could be because it was an out-patient sample with lesser degree of impairments. At the end of 10 years, however, there were no significant difference in the outcome.[22]


In a series of 124 marriages of 118 married women with mental illness from Varanasi at a tertiary care hospital, it was observed that 91.9% were first marriages of both patients and their spouses. 10 (9%) were second marriages (6 of patients, and 4 of spouses). Only one second marriage of the patient was solemnized after divorce, the remaining took place without divorce from previous marriages.[32] Such marriages are void as per section of HMA. However, because of social approval they continued. Likewise, in a series of 75 mentally ill divorced/separated women from Chennai legal separation occurred only in 16 instances. However, 13 of the husbands were remarried.[6]




social movements in india msa rao pdf 15



Initially, only about 57 families of Chakmas and Hajongs were given shelter in the government camps at Ledo in Dibrugarh, Assam in 1964. Thereafter, they were settled in Abhaypur block of Diyun circle of the erstwhile Tirap district of Arunachal Pradesh purely on temporary and humanitarian grounds by the then NEFA administration, which was directly under the control of the central government. The indigenous people of the state perceived a danger to their identity and culture being posed by an ever-increasing concentration of the Chakmas and Hajongs in the state. According to the AAPSU, the population of the refugees had swollen to approximately 65,000 as against the 57 families originally settled in 1966 in Diyun [Prasad 2006]. It may not be fair to blame it on the indigenous people for their increasing assertiveness on the issue of eviction of the refugees from the state for they fear that rapid demographic changes in three districts since 1951 may soon see them being outnumbered with all its concomitant social, economic and political consequences. For example, according to the figures given in the 1991 Census, the indigenous tribal population of the two districts of Lohit and Changlang where the Chakmas and Hajongs were residing, was only 74,000 out of the total population of 2,02,523 (which included other Indian citizens also). The total population of the state according to the 1991 Census was 8,58,392.


Additionally, they became integrated into the social fabric of Arunachal Pradesh and established strong ties with the region. Many of these Chakmas and Hajongs, who now number about 65,000, were born in India and have no other home.


The state government has steadily dismantled basic social infrastructure in Chakma and Hajong settlements, rendering these people ever more vulnerable. All persons legally resident in India are entitled to ration cards, if their income falls below a specified amount. In October 1991, the state government discontinued issuance of ration cards to Chakmas and Hajongs, many of whom live in extreme poverty. In September 1994, the state government began a campaign of school closing, burning and relocations that have effectively denied the Chakmas and Hajongs their right to education. Schools built by the Chakmas using local community resources were closed down or destroyed and also, health facilities in Chakma and Hajong areas completely are all in paper.


The question is if the Tibetans who fled to Arunachal Pradesh on their own can be given Indian citizenship, why cannot the Chakmas and Hajongs, who had migrated from undivided India. The central government had settled the Chakmas and Hajongs in the state and they have the same right to all the facilities, without any type of discrimination based on social, economical, political and legal factors. It is a clear case of discrimination for political gains of a few AAPSU and core committee leaders in Arunachal Pradesh. 2ff7e9595c


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